Category
Immigration and labor, voting rights, racial equity, and workplace discrimination.
37 articles
New York's minimum wage operates through a geographic tier system that pays workers in New York City, Long Island, and Westchester a different hourly rate than workers in the rest of the state. The 2024 update set those tiers at $16.00 and $15.
The Florida Constitution, not the state legislature, controls the minimum wage for roughly 10 million workers statewide. That constitutional lock is the defining feature of Florida's wage law: the current rate is $14.00 per hour, rising to $15.
Amendment 2, the constitutional provision Florida voters approved on November 3, 2020, locked the state's minimum wage into a fixed $1-per-year escalator that no governor or legislature can repeal.
The NLRB requires a 30% showing of interest before scheduling a union election, and organizers need 50% plus one vote to win. Those two numbers define every campaign's math.
Three distinct salting tactics dominate internal union organizing in high-resistance workplaces: professional salts paid by unions, covert activist salts driven by ideology, and hybrid organizers trained at schools like the Inside Organizer School.
Union organizing software and general digital organizing tools serve fundamentally different purposes, and picking the wrong one can expose worker data, slow your campaign timeline, and fracture member engagement.
Language barriers cause an estimated 25% of workplace accidents in industries with concentrated immigrant workforces, and they sabotage union campaigns at comparable rates.
The biggest failure in organizer training is teaching people to solve problems before they understand them.
Architectural Workers United announced its affiliation with the International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Workers in 2021, then set a goal no design-profession campaign had attempted: organizing enough private-sector architecture offices to form a self-sustaining local lodge with shared
Salting puts trained union organizers on a company's payroll by having them apply for real jobs at non-union workplaces. The NLRA has protected this organizing strategy since 1935.
Campaigns that file for an NLRB election with 60–70% worker support win 78% of the time. Campaigns built primarily on walk-in interest at a union hall rarely come close to that success rate.
On April 28, 2026, over 1,000 Uber drivers in Greater Victoria, British Columbia, voted 99% in favor of the first collective bargaining agreement ever ratified by app-based rideshare workers anywhere in the world.
